By Russell A. Berman
Since September eleven, 2001, the attitudes of Europeans towards the us have grown progressively more adverse. for plenty of in Europe, the terrorist assault on manhattan urban was once noticeable as facts of the way American habit elicits hostility—and the way it will be as much as american citizens to repent and alter their methods. during this revealing examine the deep divide that has emerged, Russell A. Berman explores many of the dimensions of up to date eu anti-Americanism. the writer indicates how, because the strategy of post–cold battle ecu unification has stepped forward, anti-Americanism has confirmed to be an invaluable ideology for the definition of a brand new eu id. He examines this rising identification and exhibits the way it has led Europeans to a place antagonistic to any "regime swap" by means of the United States—no topic how undesirable the regime may perhaps be—whether in Serbia, Afghanistan, or Iraq.
Berman info the elements—some cultural, a few easily irrational—of this nerve-racking circulate and tells why it really is prone to stay a characteristic of family among the U.S. and Europe for the foreseeable destiny. He explains how anti-Americanism operates like an obsessive prejudice and stereotype, impervious to rational arguments or real evidence, and exhibits how the adverse reaction to U.S. rules might be traced to a bigger, extra deeply rooted circulate opposed to globalization. Anti-Americanism in Western Europe isn't just a pleasant war of words, it's a widening chasm. This ebook makes a tremendous contribution to realizing this significant ideological challenge.
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Extra resources for Anti-Americanism in Europe: A Cultural Problem
German press representations appear, on first glance, to tilt toward the promilitary and, in this historical context, pro-American option. The ratio of 37:23, however, is to some extent an arbitrary result of the structure of the content analysis. If one takes into account the numerous other responses, none of which on its own gets above 8 percent, and allocates them reasonably between the two camps, the overall polarization becomes starker. Thus one can attribute proposals to alleviate poverty, change foreign policy, “pause and reflect soberly,” and work with the United Nations, to the antimilitary camp.
In fact, support grew to 75 percent in December 2001, although this number is based on a much smaller evidence pool, and in any case, the Afghanistan campaign had largely ended at this point. ) These data suggest a complex representational process in the German print media. In the aftermath of September 11, it is clear that there was much support for American use of force as a proper response, and not limited specifically to terrorist camps. Nonetheless, 16 Anti-Americanism in Europe there is also evidence of dispute and polarization.
Alternatively, The German Perception 15 calls to improve intelligence, gather credible evidence, work with the entire world, and attack (only) terrorist camps might be counted on the military side of the ledger (arguably, some of these items belong to the antimilitary camp, but that attribution would only amplify the results of this exercise). 8 percent supporting it. This structural polarization is corroborated by an accompanying tendency. The data display an increased polarization in October 2001, as measured against September 2001.